''Storm Center'' by David M. O'Brien Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

''Storm Center'' by David M. O'Brien - Essay Example He illustrates it in a such stoical manner, that the power of America's superior anti-democratic and opposition of majoritarian institution completely depends upon the endorsement or agreement of the country. Even though we think that when it comes to politics, we pay close attention to the elected branches, Alexis de Tocqueville was his common acute as well as observed that hardly any issue which is political take place in the United States that is not determined, ,into a legal question. As Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes stated that the Court turns into what is called a ''storm centre'' when it tackles a passion-stirring concern weather it be assimilation, crime, abortion, affirmative action. ''Storm Center'' by David M. O'Brien gives instance of the above mentioned issues. Given the reality that the Court is an oligarchy and all relies on only 9 lords, each and every one of whom is expected to have strong belief and a powerful persona; it would be astonishing if personal hostility did not take place in the procedures. O'Brien in a brilliant manner presents the example of Justice James C. McReynolds, he considers him as being anti-Semitic, would exit from the conference room every time Justice Louis D. Brandeis started to speak . Nevertheless O'Brien points out realistically that irrelevant frustration that has no big part in the important decisions. The Justices are restricted via the type of courtesy which is incorporated into the Court's cases (for example they all of them shake hands each others hands before starting a conference) by the gracefulness of its political position as well as by institutional and prudential concern; unpredicted coalition are made on sensitive issues. O'Brien does not give in blow-by-blow accounts of fights -although he gives quite a few good accounts of the cases however he pays more attention to analyzing the structure and operations of the Court. He states that it has turned into common knowledge, that Justices are frequently selected for their apparent ideological likeness to whoever the President is at present , just to let down their sponsor once installed. An well liked example of O'Brien is of president Dwight D. Eisenhower's choice of Chief Justice Earl Warren. (President Reagan's consultant clearly knows their record; his most recent recommendation to the Court appears to be diligently proposed in order evade any surprises.) Kind Of Research And Analytic Method O'Brien is clear as well as remarkable in the powerful analytic method he uses to explain how the Justices allocate their work. He has used qualitative research as he has utilized pervious literature for the court cases in order to proof his point . this kind of research has led him to give valid information regarding the fact that law clerks have achieved power in current years, as the load of work has increased, although he thinks that their influence is less than that influence which readers of his last publication ''The Brethren'' had . Although the importance that he has given to collegiality ever since the time of Chief Justice John Marshall as well as the strong wish for consent, particularly on important issues , foremost decisions have occasionally been

What are the moral responsibilities of managers Essay

What are the moral responsibilities of managers - Essay Example This research will begin with the statement that the moral responsibilities of managers’ whether in the private sector or public sector should be characterized with a manager perpetuating the law, fulfilling the legitimate duties of their position, observing the relevant codes of ethics and otherwise abiding by generally held moral principles such as honesty and not knowingly doing harm. A manager will be held liable for an immoral act if he had knowledge of it and had the ability to prevent it from happening. Moral managers subscribe to ethical leadership which requires the manager to be a moral person as well as moral managers. A   moral manager should possess traits such as honesty, integrity and trustworthy. This involves respecting the soundness of organization and adherence to the codes set by the organization. This allows the managers to do the right thing, reason well and uphold the highest level of justice even in the most difficult circumstances. A   moral manage r learns from multiple social situations which allow him to have a vast knowledge of conflict resolution skills without harming any party in case a dispute arises. The personal standards developed by a moral manager enables him to be fair and considerate by making clear justifications in his mind. For example, a moral manager will solve a   dispute between two staff members by being fair and sticking to their values and objectivity without compromising on the basis of relations or closeness to either party.

NETWORKING SKILLS FOR THE CREATIVE INDUSTRIES Essay

NETWORKING SKILLS FOR THE CREATIVE INDUSTRIES - Essay Example Through such a discussion and analysis, it is the hope of this particular author that the reader will gain a more informed understanding with respect to the necessity and importance of networking as well as a further understanding and identification of the ways in which a focus upon networking can help to build the prospects in the future of the individual that engages with it. Section 1: Firstly, even though it is true that this skill and knowledge learned in a formalized educational setting is not in and of itself sufficient for each and every situation, it should not be understood that networking is a skill that does not require teaching and is somehow innate within each and every human being. Due to differentials of personal psychology, many individuals are introverts whereas others tend to be more extroverted (Calin & Mcgee, 2006). However, even though a personal psychological approach to networking is necessary, should also be understood that even the most introverted individua l can utilize effective networking within their own life and professional career as a means of maximizing the benefit that they would otherwise achieved in and of themselves (Jain, 2011). In seeking to define what networking is, it should be understood that whereas many terms require a broad and complicated explanation, networking is fairly simple. Ultimately, this process can be understood based upon the realization that networking is a process through which an individual can leverage personal and business connections as a means of gaining valuable information that they can then apply towards increasing profitability, client base, efficiency or other positive business engagements (Sharafizad, 2011). As such, the obvious point that should be understood is with respect to the fact that networking allows for an individual to not only leveraging utilize the information that they have been presented or come in contact with, it also allows for a shared collective of knowledge and informa tion to be passed along from one individual, or group of individuals, to another. Although this is not a difficult concept to grasp, it should be understood that the bulk of the education process, from kindergarten all the way to postgraduate work, is concentric upon the degree and extent to which information can be retained at a personal level (Kokkonen et al., 2013). Although it is true that outside research is oftentimes required, collaborative in group effort is not common and therefore is not necessarily a tactic that the recently graduated business man or woman would otherwise engage in. As such, even though this process is extraordinarily simple and easy to engage in, a great many young professionals, and professionals of any age for that matter, necessarily choose to rely upon their own abilities as this is a thought process and means of engagement that has become solidified as a result of many years of education. From a strategic standpoint, the process of

Cyberterrorism Essay Example for Free

Cyberterrorism Essay The term cyberterrorism was created in the mid 90’s by combining cyberspace and terrorism. The term has been widely accepted after being embraced by the United State Intelligence Community. Janczewski and Colarik describe cyberterrorism as â€Å"Premeditated, politically motivated attacks by subnational groups, clandestine agents, or individuals against information and computer systems, computer programs, and data that result in violence against non-combat targets† (Janczewski Colarik, 2005, p. 43). Cyberterrorism is a form of terrorism that uses any form of connected source to engage in attacks of information systems, incitement to violence, theft of data, and planning of terrorist attacks (Britz, 2011, p. 197). As an introduction into the topic, the following definition is key to understanding the definition: â€Å"Cyberterrorism is the convergence of terrorism and cyberspace. It is generally understood to mean unlawful attacks and threats of attack against computers, networks, and the information stored therein when done to intimidate or coercer a government or its people in furtherance of political or social objectives. Further, to qualify as cyberterrorism, an attack should result in violence against persons or property, or at least cause enough harm to generate fear. Attacks that lead to death or bodily injury, explosions, plane crashes, water contamination, or severe economic loss would be examples. Serious attacks against critical infrastructures could be acts of cyberterrorism, depending on their impact. Attacks that disrupt nonessential services or that are mainly a costly nuisance would not† (Denning, 2000). Cyberterrorism is considered an act of violence or intimidation using cyberspace. It is more complicated than simply hacking into a system to see what damage can be done; it has to stem from a motivational source such as politics, foreign government, or some other rousing source (Gross, 2003). Enemies of the U. S. are strongly motivated by hate. Hate can be a strong motivator when it comes to cyberterrorism, and just terrorism in general. When hate is the driving factor of actions, the consideration for the targeted group is very minimal, and the results of hate crimes are usually violent and gruesome acts. The FBI’s definition isn’t that far off from Denning’s. They have published three different distinct definitions of cyberterrorism: â€Å"Terrorism that†¦initiates attacks on information† – â€Å"the use of Cyber tools† – and â€Å"a criminal act perpetrated by the use of computers (Baranetsky, 2009). Most government agencies that have a response program for cyberterrorism have their own published definition of cyberterrorism. The question rises ‘why does cyberterrorism occur? ’ The answer is that the terrorist want cause specific damage to the target. There are three factors that are considered when this question is asked, the first being the fear factor. It is the most common denominator of the majority of terrorist attacks. The attackers want to create as sense of fear in individuals, groups, or societies – whomever they are targeting (Janczewski Colarik, 2005, p. 45). Perhaps a cyber example of this could be the attack of IT installations. Then there is the spectacular factor. Spectacular means that the attacks are aimed at creating direct losses or resulting in a lot of negative publicity (Janczewski Colarik, 2005, p. 45). An example of the spectacular factor at work was in 1999 when Amazon. com was closed because of a Denial of Service (DOS) attack. They suffered losses from the attack, but the worse affect was the publicity that that was received (Taylor, Calabresi, Krantz, Pascual, Ressner, 2000). The last factor is the vulnerability factor. This is simply when vulnerability of an organization is exposed (Janczewski Colarik, 2005). An example of this could be the vandalism of an organizations webpage. The importance and significance of cyberterrorism is a very debatable topic. Kim Taipale, founder and executive director for the Stilwell Center for Advanced Studies in Science and Technology Policy believes â€Å"cyberterrorism, whatever it is, is a useless term. Taipale believes that, â€Å"terrorists will use any strategic tool they can† so â€Å"cyber† terrorism is no more important then other forms (Baranetsky, 2009). The statements by Taipale are strong, and arguments could be made supporting her, and arguments could be made that go against her beliefs. It is true that terrorism is growing all over the world, and terrorists are beginning to use various outlets to threaten nations, groups, and individuals. So the case could be made stating that cyberterrorism is just an accessible outlet terrorists have, because of the access that is granted to an individual on cyberspace. In conflict with that argument is the argument that cyberspace is not monitored and policed enough, and has little to no restrictions as to what can be done in cyberspace. This is an ongoing debate that will not be discussed in this paper. Different Forms of Cyber Attacks Various types of cyber attacks are used within the terrorist aspect of cyberspace. According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, cyberterrorism is â€Å"the use of computer networks to shut down critical infrastructure (such as energy, transportation, government operations) or to coerce or intimidate a government or civilian population† (Lewis, 2002, p. ). The most commonly used tactics used to neutralize critical infrastructure are attacks known as the Trojan horse, viruses, phishing, Denial of Service (DoS), and Direct Denial of Service attacks. The first of the types of the cyber attacks to be discussed is the Trojan horse. A Trojan horse is a computer program that conceals a harmful code. Relating to the well know tale of the Trojan horse, it allows you into a system, and then leaves an outlet that allows you to get back into the system. In essence, it is software that appears to perform one action while actually performing another (Gohring, 2009, p. 6). A Trojan horse is a program that appears harmless but hides malicious functions. The most common Trojan horse of today’s day and age is NetBus, which was used for illegally breaking into computer systems and, in particular, used to plant child pornography on computers of people of integrity. Viruses are another form of cyber attack. Viruses are programs that â€Å"infect computer files, usually executable programs, by inserting a copy of itself into the file. These copies are usually executed when the infected file is loaded into memory, allowing the virus to affect other files. A virus requires human involvement to spread† (Kuehl, 2012). Virus writers write programs that infect the systems of certain users, but needs direct involvement by the creator or another human source to spread the virus. Very similar to a virus is a worm. The worm works just like a virus, implemented into a system by a creator. The difference between a worm and a virus is the fact that a worm doesn’t need the hands-on human involvement. Back in 2003, SQL Slammer worm spread throughout the cyber world. This was a worm that exploited a buffer overflow vulnerability of Microsoft’s SQL Server. Six months prior to the launch of the worm, the vulnerability was taken notice of and a patch was developed to strengthen the vulnerability. The worm worked by generating random IP addresses, and if belonged to an SQL Server that was not covered by the patch, it was infected and immediately began sending out more copies of the worm to more random IP addresses (Leyden, 2003). There was no human involvement after the worm was created initiated by the creator. It spread itself to random IP addresses, which categorizes it as a worm. Phishing is a form of deception used in cyberspace. Phishing attempts to trick users into giving out their personal data. The techniques used in phishing attempts are emails and websites that are designed to look like legitimate agency websites asking for an individual’s bank and financial account information and passwords (Kuehl, 2012). This method is not used so much by cyberterrorists, but the possibility is there. A more serious cyber attack comes in the form of a Denial of Service (DoS) attack. DoS attacks deny system access to users by overwhelming the target source with messages and blocking legitimate traffic (Kuehl, 2012). It causes a system overload, and can block the ability to exchange data between systems using the Internet. DoS attacks usually target banks, and earlier this year in September, several major banks were attacked using DoS. The websites of Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo, U. S. Bank, and PNC Bank all were victims of a DoS attack (Goldman, 2012). The websites were overloaded with traffic directed at them causing them to crash. Most of the time while the cyberterrorists use these attacks to steal information from bank customers, but in this case the motivation was simply to temporarily take down the banks’ public-facing websites, putting them under extreme heat from the public and potentially tarnishing their reputations. There are three levels of cyber capability that need to be taken into thought when considering types of cyberterrorism attacks. The first is simple-unstructured capability. This allows a cyberterrorist to conduct basic hacks against individual systems using tools created by someone else. The organization possesses little target analysis, command and control, or learning capability (Denning, 2000). This level is sometimes not considered to be cyberterrorism, because of the simplicity of the attack. There is slight to no attention focused on the target, which does not reveal any sort of motivation. Referring back to the definition of cyberterrorism, it has to stem from a motivational source to be considered cyberterrorism (Gross, 2003). The simple-unstructured capable individuals are basically the ones who hack into systems just to see what kind of damage they can cause. The second level of capability is the advance-structured level. This is the competence to conduct more sophisticated attacks against multiple systems or networks and possibly, to modify or create basic hacking tools. The organization possesses a straightforward and uncomplicated target analysis, command control, and learning capability (Denning, 2000). These organizations have motivations, but they are not strong enough to cause serious damage to the identified target. The last capability is the complex-coordinated capability. This is the ability for coordinated attacks capable of causing mass-disruption against integrated, heterogeneous defenses. They have the capacity to create sophisticated hacking tools. There is a highly capable target analysis, command control, and organization learning capability (Denning, 2000). Organizations with this type of capability are highly sophisticated with dangerous motivations. These dangerous organizations are the ones that can cause millions of dollars of damage, and also tons of negative publicity, two of the main objectives of cyberterrorist. There are cases when terrorists actually run other forms of terrorisms, such as bombings, with the use of cyberspace. The anonymity and global reach of the Internet has helped facilitate terrorism (Cole Glasser, 2009). â€Å"They put up websites to spread their messages and recruit supporters, and they use the Internet to communicate and coordinate action. However, there are few indications that they are pursuing in cyberterrorism, either alone or in conjunction with acts of violence† (Denning, 2000). There is an example of this from the late 90’s. In February 1998, Clark Staten, executive director of the Emergency Response and Research Institute in Chicago, testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee Subcommittee that it was believed that â€Å"members of some Islamic extremist organizations have been trying to develop a network of hackers to support their computer activities in offensive information warfare attacks in the future† (Denning, Cyberterrorism, 2000). It is the perfect way to recruit, because of the anonymity that is granted to the individual. â€Å"The Internet is the ideal medium for terrorism today: anonymous but pervasive† (Cole Glasser, 2009, p. 95).

Briefing On Coaching And Mentoring Management Essay

Briefing On Coaching And Mentoring Management Essay This paper will critically assess the main approaches to coaching and mentoring; identify information needed to establish and implement effective strategies for coaching and mentoring; it will also identify the main barriers and blockages to effective coaching and mentoring; and lastly, it will expand on the requirements of an effective coaching and mentoring strategy. This paper will provide answer to the following questions: Identify and critically analyse the barriers and blockages that may occur to the successful implementation of a coaching and mentoring scheme at Coca-Cola Foods Identify management strategies that could be used to overcome blockages. Discuss the role played by key workplace stakeholders in enabling a learning culture in the workplace and identify how they could be used to help ensure that coaching and mentoring scheme was fully accepted and allowed to run successfully. What is coaching and mentoring? According to a journal from the (CIMA) website titled technical briefing: mentoring and coaching (2002), there is no universal definition for either of the terms (coaching and mentoring), as it can be defined differently in different contexts. For example: in Australia, wild life coaching is likely to be associated with humanistic psychology, whereas in the UK, is more likely to be associated with fringe medicine (Clutterbuck, D., 2008). However, in this paper coaching and mentoring is discussed in an organisational context. The Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD) factsheet (2011) describes coaching and mentoring as a development technique used to enhance an individuals skills, knowledge or work performance based on the use of one-to-one discussion. Parsloe (1999, p8) defined coaching as, a process that enables learning and development to occur and thus performance to improve. He also added that in order to become a successful coach, one will need a comprehensive understanding of the various process, styles, skills, and techniques appropriate to different coaching situations. On the other hand, mentoring relates primarily to the identification and nurturing of potential for the whole person (Megginson Clutterbuck, 2005). In other words, a mentor acts as an adviser, counsellor, role model, and also, helps the client build a wider network from which to learn and influence. The differences between coaching and mentoring. The table below shows the differences between coaching and mentoring (Clutterbuck, 2008; Praxis Paper 14, 2007; CIMA Technical Briefing, January 2002). Coaching Mentoring Addresses performance in some aspect of an individuals work or life. Often associated with the entire development and career progress of an individuals work or life. More task-oriented, skills-focused, directed and time-bound. More open-ended personal development. Focuses on achieving specific objectives, usually within a preferred time period. Follows an open evolving agenda and deals with a range of issues. Similarities in coaching and mentoring. In some cases, coaching and mentoring share some common features such as: Both coaching and mentoring has to do with asking the right questions in order to generate individual self-awareness which can, in turn, lead to informed decision making, at whatever level of concern. They both offer a medium for analysis, reflection and action that ultimately allows the individual to improve in one more areas of their life or work. Coaching and mentoring are both linked with organizational change initiatives in order to help staff to accept and adapt to changes in a manner consistent with their personal values and goals. Why are coaching and mentoring programs important for organizations? Several organizations use coaching and mentoring programs as a fundamental part of the human resource development approach (Ensher Murphy (2010). Organizations benefit from coaching and mentoring programs as employees increase their sense of loyalty and commitment as a result of effective communication (Ensher Murphy (2010). Coaching and mentoring programs are also used as a tool by organizations to attract new employees, and for the retention of high potential talent. Coaching and mentoring programs offers a preventive option to improve performance before it becomes costly to the organization (Praxis Paper 14, 2007). With todays complex and fast-changing working environment, self-awareness, trust and relationships between managers and employees is vital. Therefore, coaching and mentoring programs offers a two-way relationship with both the individuals and the organizations, providing the opportunity to address such issues in a non-threatening way (Praxis Paper 14, 2007). What types of approaches and models are available for coaching and mentoring? It has been stated that coaching and mentoring can be seen as different styles on a continuum, with different approaches being suitable in different circumstances (Praxis Paper 14, 2007). Coaching Mentoring Figure 1: The Coaching/Mentoring Continuum (Praxis Paper 14, 2007) Main aim: Skills Performance Potential Personal Objectives: Finite/concrete Role/competencies Complex/evolving Style: Directive Non-directive Duration: Shorter Longer The most appropriate approach depends on the main aim of the intervention. These could be: Develop their skills: the coach usually has does a lot of telling and has specific and clear goals on how to develop the coachees skills. In most occasions, they have the expertise in the related field and want to pass it on. Improve their performance: the coach usually pays particular attention to the behaviour of the coachee, allowing the coach to observe any block that could affect the coachees performance. The GROW model can be applied in this situation. The GROW model is a performance coaching model where the coach asks a series of questions relating to the coachees Goal, their Reality, their Options and their Will. Maximise their potential: in this approach, the coach focuses on assisting the coachee to increase and expand their human capacities aiming at producing insight that allows them to see their situation from a different and wider perspective. A tool that can be used in this situation is the OSKAR model (Outcome, Scaling, Know-how and Resources). This model focuses on bringing out the existing skills and capabilities of the coachee to attain their self-defined goals. Proactively become the person they want to be: this approach offers the coachee a chance to stretch and challenge themselves to learn. The coach usually focuses on the coachees whole life (not just work) and does a lot of asking questions and listening. A well suited model for this approach will be the co-active, as it balances is the four corner coaching stones (the client is naturally creative, resourceful and whole; it addresses the clients whole life; the agenda comes from the client; and the relationship is designed alliance) to restore and give fulfilling meaning to the clients life. Stages in developing and implementing effective coaching and mentoring strategies. Burley Pomphrey, 2011cited in Clutterbuck (2003), identifies three main stages for developing and implementing effective coaching and mentoring as: context, process and outcome. These stages will enable the coach decide on the appropriate approach suitable for the intervention. An example of a typical coaching and mentoring process entails (Friday, E. Friday, S.S., 2002): Identifying the various target audiences the programs are to serve; Identifying the criteria for selecting mentees and mentors; Recruiting qualified mentees and mentors; Interviewing and selecting mentees and mentors; Matching and training mentees and mentors; Evaluating the mentee-mentor experience. Putting Coaching and Mentoring into practice: A case study of Coca-Cola Foods To address the first question, this section will briefly describe the company (Coca-Cola Foods) and the coaching and mentoring scheme implemented, it will also identify the barriers and blockages that was encountered during this process. Company overview Coca Cola is the number one manufacturer of soft drinks and also one of the most recognizable brands in the world and in the world. With their headquarters is situated in Atlanta Georgia. Coca-Cola sells nearly 400 different products in more than 200 different countries. 70% of its sales are generated outside of North America. Production is based on the franchise system Coca-Cola coaching and mentoring program (Veale Wachtel, 1996). Human Resource Development is considered as a key to building competitive advantage in Coca-Cola Foods. The company views coaching and mentoring as a tool for directly enhancing performance that is to continuously build employees skills in order to the creation of a high-performing organization. A challenge Coca-Cola was facing was the struggle to maximize and/or optimize their Human Resource Developments contribution to business success. In order to tackle this challenge, the company created a system of mentoring programs tools which included one -on-one mentoring, group mentoring and mentoring self-study. Up with the following approaches: To strengthen the link between business strategy and developmental focus; To involve leadership of the organization in all aspects of development; To use a variety of developmental tools to match personal and organizational needs better. The main aim of the coaching and mentoring program at Coca-Cola is to help the individual (employee) better understand the company and his or her role in it. However, the case study focuses on the coaching and mentoring processes used by the company to develop their employees. To maximize the benefits of coaching and mentoring, Coca-Cola Foods trains managers to establish a communication environment of mutual respect that is problem-focused and change-oriented. Some of the coaching and mentoring models used by Coca-Cola Foods in their training programmes are: The Hersey-Blanchard model with its emphasis on both task and support skills as a requirement of good coaching. This model focuses on using different leadership styles. For example, instead of using just one style, the model encourages successful leaders to change their leadership styles based on the maturity of the people theyre leading and the details of the task. Also, the company uses Front-line Leadership programme which has basic principles defining the tone and style of the conversation, and then other modules focused on the formats for communicating to enhance performance. The Front-line Leadership series clearly advocates mutual goal setting, discussion and problem solving within an atmosphere of trust and collaboration. Some potential barriers and blockages that could occur while implementing the coaching and mentoring program. When a coaching and mentoring programme is initiated in an organisation, it is necessary to understand the potential barriers that may occur for both members of the relationship. Considering these in advance and pointing them out to the potential coach and coachee may help to overcome them at an early stage. The incorrect matching of mentors/coaches and coachee/ protà ©gà ©s; The lack of managerial support; The resentment felt by those not involved in the coaching and mentoring programmes, perhaps due to a perception or favouritism; The creation of false promotional expectations; The overdependence of the mentor or mentee; Gender inequality; Blurring of role boundaries There are a number of factors which will contribute towards a successful relationship between mentor and mentee during the coaching and mentoring processes: Commitment and interest of the individuals involved Sufficient resources and organisational support Taking a holistic, personal approach Embedding the process in the organisational context Skills and experience of coaches and mentors Recognition of cross-cultural issues Ensuring an enabling external environment. Managerial strategies that could be used to overcome blockages. There are different ways a mentee can be supported, checked, encouraged and given constructive feedback. With each strategy, it is important to be aware of its purpose, appropriateness, the likely impact and its value to the mentee. Strategies can include: Giving advice offering the mentee your opinion on the best course of action. Giving information giving information on a specific situation (e.g. contact for resource). Taking action in support doing something on the mentees behalf. Observing and giving feedback work shadowing and observation by either or both parties. Observation coupled with constructive feedback is a powerful learning tool. Reviewing reflection on experience can develop understanding allowing one to consider future needs, explore options and strategies. The selection of strategies can be guided by a number of factors, such as: Values and principles underpinning the mentoring scheme in this case, encouraging self sufficiency and empowerment. Shared understanding between mentee and mentor of the purpose behind the mentoring relationship. Quality and level of the professional relationship. Level of experience and need of the mentee. Level of mentors own awareness and comfort with the mentoring process Managers will require the following skills for them to be good coaches and mentors: The role of stakeholders in coaching and mentoring It is crucial for managers to see the value and understand the importance of developing individuals, teams and the overall organisation. The primary relationship in any coaching or mentoring scheme is between the coach/mentor and the individual, but this may not be the only important relationship. Other key stakeholders such as the people representing the organisations interests, in most cases an HR and/or learning and development practitioner, and the individuals manager. All of these parties are interested in improving the individuals performance and therefore their contribution to the organisation. In the case Coca-Cola Foods, a ten-part coaching and mentoring scheme was initiated. Most facilitated mentoring programmes have a formal process which defines each step and audits the ongoing success of the programme. Although these processes will differ somewhat in how they address the needs of the stakeholders, most programmes generally follow procedures similar to those below: Mentees identified: in this step, Coca- Cola Foods identifies the group of people who are eligible for the mentoring programme. This can be done in a variety of ways looking at certain job levels, departments, employee characteristics, etc. Once the target group is defined, specific mentees can be identified by having them volunteer, be nominated by a boss or other sponsor. Identify developmental needs: the developmental needs are determined and an individual development plan is prepared in this stage. This can be done by having the mentees disclose what they think are their developmental needs, having bosses determine these needs, and/or having skill deficiencies revealed through assessment. Identify potential mentors: this step produces a pool of individuals who can serve as mentors. They may volunteer for the role, may be chosen by a mentee, or may be recruited by senior managers. Prior to selection, a mentors general ability and willingness to handle the role should be assessed. Mentor/mentees matching: a mentor is selected for a specific mentee after considering the skills and knowledge needed by the mentee and the ability of the mentor to provide practice or guidance in those areas. Compatibility of styles and personalities can be critical. Mentor and mentee orientation: before the start of the mentoring relationship, an orientation is held for both the mentors and mentees. For mentors this orientation covers time commitments, types of activities, time and budget support, the relationship with the natural boss, reporting requirements and the mentees responsibility for the development. Contracting: a clear agreement is an essential foundation for a good mentoring relationship. It includes a development plan, confidentiality requirement, the duration of the relationship, frequency of the meetings, time to be invested in mentoring activities by each party, and the role of the mentor. Periodic meetings: most mentors and mentees meet for performance planning, coaching, and feedback sessions. The frequency can be determined by the nature of the relationship and by geographical proximity. At these meetings, both parties are candid about progress of the process. Periodic reports: it will be easier to evaluate the success of the mentoring programme if periodic status reports are by both the mentor and mentee. Depending on the level of formality in the programme, this step may or may not occur. Conclusion: a mentoring relationship concludes when the items delineated in the initial agreement have been accomplished or when time/business/budget constraints will prevent the relationships from continuing. It may also be concluded when one of the pair believes it is no longer productive for them to work together. Evaluation and follow-up: after the relationship concludes, both the mentor and mentee are questioned, via interviews or other assessment instruments, about the value of the process, timing, logistics, time constraints and any other valid concerns that could affect the mentoring process. Communication is a plays a major role in building a coach/coachee relationship. Both parties can benefit from analysing a number of key skills (active listening and questioning). The skill of Active Listening Active listening is the ability to listen and internalise what is being said, essentially listening and understanding. You can use your whole self to convey the message of an active listener involved in the discussion, showing interest, gaining trust and respect. This can be achieved by using verbal and non-verbal communication. Using the art of questioning Questioning, if used effectively, is a very useful and powerful tool. It allows the mentee-mentor relationship to develop, assisting the mentee in exploring and understanding their experiences with the hope of formulating avenues and actions for the future. Conclusion The implementation of coaching and mentoring programmes at Coca-Cola was successful, as these programs helped strengthen the company and also fostered professional growth and development for the employees. Because there is a great deal of evidence regarding the important contributions which mentors make to career success, and because Coca-Cola has tied both mentor and coaching programmes to business goals, it would seem that Coca-Cola Foods approach is in line with both the scientific evidence and with recent proponents of achieving competitive advantage through people.

Gender-Based Household Divisions of Labour

Gender-Based Household Divisions of Labour THE DIVISION IN HOUSEHOLD LABOUR  BETWEEN MEN AND WOMEN CONTENTS (JUMP TO) Abstract Introduction Literature Review Household Labour Defined The Gender Gap Research Methods Analysis Methods Historic Housework Gender Divisions   Global Housework Gender Divisions Reasons for Gender Gap Methodology Findings Recommendations Conclusion References ABSTRACT This study considers the gender gap in performance of household labour and its change over time, particularly in the last fifty years. Methods that others have used to research and analyse household labour, historic and multi-cultural gender divisions, reasons for the current and historic gender gap from a sociological perspective. This research then determines the most effective methods of data gathering and analysis and examines several studies over the last fifty years to conclude that the gender gap in household work is actually shrinking, albeit more slightly than some contend due to societal changes. Proposals for overcoming the disparity in household labour performance are assessed from a variety of published literature. Conclusions are drawn regarding the most likely factors affecting changes to the gender gap, namely changes in gender identities from a societal standpoint. Recommendations for further research and actions to further redu ce the housework disparity conclude th e study. INTRODUCTION Almost all research conducted in the past one hundred years has overwhelmingly and consistently supported a disparity between the household labour performed by women and men, with women typically outperforming men both in terms of more distasteful tasks and number of hours by significant margins. Since the beginning of the women’s movement in the 1960s, however, some inroads have been made regarding closing the gap between male and female performance. These must be weighed in light of overall changes in societal expectations and practise of household labour, but do show a trend towards greater egalitarianism in housework performance. This research begins with a thorough consideration of published literature regarding gender division of household labour and how such studies have been conducted and analysed, with reference to historic and multi-cultural gender divisions and sociological reasons for the persistent gender gap in housework performance. A survey of secondary research using the most accurate and informative data gathering methods is then conducted to determine whether the gender gap is indeed closing and if so, why, or whether broader societal and technological changes are merely affecting the performance of housework in general. The study concludes with recommendations for further research and suggestions from both others and the author regarding ways of moving towards a more egalitarian division of household labour performance. LITERATURE REVIEW As it applies directly or indirectly to almost everyone, much research and study has been performed regarding housework, the perceptions of those who perform it, and the assignment of household labour tasks within the home or family. This literature review provides a brief survey of some of these studies. An overview of the gender gap will be followed by six broad areas of consideration. First, the various methods by which housework study is conducted will be examined, as claims of inaccuracy are rampant for certain research methods. Similar consideration of different ways of analysing and interpreting this data follows. An overview of historic housework assignment, with particular focus on gender divisions and Britain, includes information stretching back several hundred years but concentrates on the previous century through the present, when statistical analysis and similar data began to be generated. Views of housework and gender division of tasks in other countries allow for a mo re holistic consideration of the topic. Finally, reasons for the gap between performance of household labour between men and women are from various studies are presented, with a number of researchers assertions of ways to overcome such disparity. Household Labour Defined In any study of household labour, also referred to as simply housework in this research, it is first beneficial to define what is meant by or included in the term. Some studies, for example, include only inside household tasks such as cleaning and cooking, excluding outside work such as gardening and exterior home repairs. Some studies include childcare as a household task; others place it in a separate category or do not include it. Lee and Waite (2005) note some research is based on a more restricted definition of housework, limited to physical tasks such as cleaning, cooking and laundry, whilst some include intangible components of household management, such as providing advice or encouragement, or planning and managing household tasks. For the purpose of this study all non-employment household tasks will be included, grouped broadly into inside and outside tasks, primarily because gender divisions often fall along these categorical divisions. Inside tasks are those performed inside the home, whilst tasks performed outside (yard work, taking out rubbish) fall in the latter category. In addition, based on the work of Coltrane (2000), tasks may be alternatively be considered from the standpoint of routine or occasional as another, and also typical, gender division. Coltrane (2000) defines routine tasks as the most time-consuming and most frequently performed, with little allowance for flexibility in task scheduling. Typical routine tasks include cooking, cleaning, shopping, and laundry. Occasional tasks, in comparison, are not as time-consuming on a daily basis and hence require less frequent performance, allowing more flexibility and discretion in when they are performed. Yard maintenance, home repairs (interior or e xterior), and paying bills are typical occasional tasks. Childcare will be considered in a separate category, although part of the overall household labour workload. This type of grouping is supported by many researchers such as Oakley (1981), Brines (1994), Press and Townsley (1998) and Alenezi and Walden (2004), who include childcare in household labour but place it in a separate category. Child rearing activities, such as bathing, disciplining, and the like may also be separated from recreational activities involving children, such as taking a child to the park or on an outing. In addition, Bianchi et al (2000) note that childcare is also an activity typically done in conjunction with other tasks, such as minding children whilst cooking or cleaning, or helping with homework whilst folding laundry. This is a further consideration when defining time spent and proportional contribution to household functioning. For the purposes of this study, therefore, all tasks involved in the establishment and maintenance of a household, including care for the persons of the household, are considered household labour or housework. Divisions within this household labour are made when specified, typically due to existing or to highlight gender differences between categories. The Gender Gap Current and recent historical culture in Britain and similar Western nations reveals a disparity in the performance of household tasks between women and men. Termed the ‘Gender Gap,’ this difference in housework reflects a much higher proportion of typical tasks performed by women than by men, even in dual-earner situations. Whilst there are other factors contributing to difference in allocation of household work, such as education, culture, and social class, Oakley (1974, 1981), Orbuch and Eyster (1997), Coltrane (2000), Lee (2002), Davis and Greenstein (2004), and Lee and Waite (2005) and many others have determined that gender plays a major role in task and work disparity, and this will be examined more fully under â€Å"Reasons for the Gender Gap† later in this literature review. General explanation of the gap itself is provided in this section of this study. Baxter (2001), after considering a number of studies regarding housework and gender, concludes â€Å"women do a much larger proportion of child care and routine indoor housework tasks than men, regardless of marital status† (19). This is supported by similar reviews of literature by Berk (1985), Ross (1987), Becker (1991), Ferree (1991), Brines (1993), Greenstein (1996), Orbuch and Eyster (1997), Coltrane (2000), Lee (2002), Davis and Greenstein (2004), and Lee and Waite (2005). The number of hours women spend has been declining over time, from over sixty hours per week prior to 1970, as reported by Oakley (1974) and others, to less than twenty in current reports such as Lee and Waite (2005), with men’s hours moving from less than three to nearly ten in some research. However, a substantial gap between men and women’s contributions to household labour still exists, as documented by Lee (2002), Rivià ¨res-pigeon, Saurel-Cubi zolles and Romito (2002), Alvarez and Miles (2003), Davis and Greenstein (2004), Alenezi and Walden (2004), Leonard (2004), Lee and Waite (2005). A gender gap between the types of household tasks performed also remains prevalent, with men performing more outdoor housework activities and fewer routine, inside tasks or childcare activities. Men are also more likely to describe their activities as enjoyable, such as playing with children or yard work, whilst women’s participation in activities they describe as enjoyable, such as baking and decorating, have decreased with fewer hours devoted to household work. Baxter (2001) concludes that in all reviewed studies â€Å"the differences are quite stark† (19). â€Å"Wives spend substantially more time than their husbands on family work, even though women do less and men do slightly more now than 20 years ago† (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer Robinson 2000, 192). It was initially expected that with the growth of the women’s movement the gender gap would disappear. For example, Leonard (2004) reports â€Å"a number of UK studies optimistically predicted that womens entry to paid work outside the household would be accompanied by mens increased participation in unpaid work within the household† (73). Unfortunately, research in the UK and elsewhere continues to â€Å"demonstrate the resilience of traditional gender roles within the household irrespective of womens labour market status† (Leonard 2004, 73). This research will later examine the narrowing of this gender gap and the reasons behind both its continued existence and gradual lessening. Research Methods When comparing secondary data, it is important to consider the methods implemented in data collection. In direct relation to this study, for example, Lee and Waite (2005) amongst others found â€Å"conclusions about the size of the gender gap in housework depend substantially on who provides the information about time spent on housework, what information that person is asked to provide, and how housework is defined† (334). Shelton and John (1996) and Coltrane (2000) list typical methods of data collection regarding household labour distribution and performance include interviews, surveys, time-diaries, and most recently electronic recording methods. Lee and Waite (2005) explain that interviews and surveys typically ask respondents to estimate the number of hours and type of tasks they or their spouses spend performing housework tasks. Time-diary studies ask respondents to report all their daily activities, usually within the day be ing tracked or by the next day at the latest. It is not surprising, therefore, that differences in time of reporting lead to differences in accuracy. Becker (1991), Lee and Waite (2005) and others have all found that interviews and surveys, which require respondents to both recall and estimate contributions and tasks, are highly inaccurate. Time-diaries, which require respondents to document how they spend their time daily or throughout the day, are significantly more accurate, as supported by Becker (1991), Bianchi et al (2000), and Lee and Waite (2005). For example, Bianchi et al (2000) reports a typical difference of fifteen hours per week reported by men and women regarding women’s household labour, and a typical difference of nearly four hours in reporting of men’s contribution. Similarly, Press and Townsley (1998) report that, on average, husbands estimated spending approximately eighteen hours per week on household tasks, whilst wives estimated their husbands contribution at just under thirteen hours per wee k, a statistically significant difference. In comparing data from electronic data recording versus data from similar populations collected by survey, Lee and Waite (2005) concluded â€Å"wives make accurate estimates of husbands’ time on housework, whereas husbands overestimate their own time† (333). They additionally found some evidence that both wives and husbands may substantially overestimate the amount of time wives spend on housework. For example, Lee and Waite (2005) found wives’ responses to survey questions regarding hours spent on housework estimated twenty-six hours per week of household work, but measurement of the same individuals via an electronic data recording system (ESM) resulted in an average of only fifteen hours per week. In all, the differences between survey measures and ESM [electronic data recording] time-use measures are statistically significant and-for some estimates-quite substantial† (333). Further, broader consideration of types of tasks within household labour resulted in greater hours of contribution on the part of men, but made little difference in the weekly housework hours of women. For example, Lee (2004) found that whilst in one study both types of childcare activities were counted equally towards housework contribution, husbands’ time â€Å"tended to involve recreational activities rather than those tasks that constitute the daily grind of child rearing,† which were left to women (254). Baxter (2001) similarly found that men participated in housework primarily on weekends, and tended to perform occasional tasks such as yard work; women performed housework tasks throughout the week and weekend, being responsible for almost all routine tasks such as cooking, cleaning, and laundry. Analysis Methods Research is equally divergent in the methods of analysis employed to interpret data regarding gender divisions in household labour. Some methods , such as commonly used empirical models, focus solely on time allocation and the variables contributing to allocation decisions. Bargaining models, time allocation models, and the household production model are three of the more common of these types of analysis methods. Mahoney (1995) describes various bargaining theories, which contend that since women earn less, they have less power in the household and are therefore relegated to performing the majority of housework tasks. For example, Alvarez and Miles (2003) found women with university degrees, and hence greater earning power, have reduced housework time. Alenezi Walden (2004) note, however, that the inverse is true for husbands. The more educated a man is, the more likely he is to contribute a greater number of hours to housework. Bargaining models in general, however, as summarized by Alenezi and Walden (2004) all present consumption and labour supply within the family based on some form of bargaining between family members based on each member’s earning potential and similar characteristics. This type of analysis generally categorises the various attributes, market wage, and similar for family members and uses such categorisation to evaluate gender divisio n of household labour. Time allocation models, in contrast, contend that individual contribution to household tasks is based on available time. Each family member individually determines contribution to the household based on market wages, leisure activities, and family consumption. Bittman et al (2001) notes that these analysis methods, however, do explain in part the differences in the effects of certain variables, such as education level, on men and women within a household. As Alenezi and Walden (2004) describe, time allocation theories are difficult to use as a basis of empirical research, as they depend on individual decision versus measurable inputs. This form of analysis typically begins with the labour division and works back into variables, rather than documenting variables and then considering activity, as is typical of bargaining theories. Becker (1991) presents the most often used method of analysis for time allocation of household labour, the household production model. This analysis method divides the household consumption of goods into those that are market-produced and those that are household-produced, and measures household utility and the gender division of household tasks, as described by Alenezi and Walden (2004) as â€Å"a function of the consumption of market-produced goods, household-produced goods, and leisure time of the husband and wife†(83). Bryant (1990) describes how households â€Å"spend† their two major resources, money and time. In certain circumstances, a household might spend more money to save time, such as by using outside cleaners or eating take out food. In other circumstances, the family may chose to spend time, painting a room themselves rather than hiring the painting out, for example. A lenezi and Walden (2004) conclude â€Å"households make decisions about using time wor king for pay, working on household tasks, like child-rearing and meal preparation, or for enjoyment (leisure)† (81). Berk (1985) criticises the household production model as making undocumented assumptions about joint production, preferences, and estimation of the shadow price of housework, but it remains one of the few empirical analysis methods that factors in a large number of variables and takes into consideration complexity and diversity within and between households. As Alenezi and Walden (2004) assert, the household production model â€Å"still remains the standard for analyzing household time allocation due to its ability to account for many complex relationships in household decision-making† (86). Some researchers such as Bittman et al (2001) and Alvarez and Miles (2003) contend, however, that empirical analysis methods such as those described above place too much emphasis on economic variables in general, and therefore explain only a limited share of the inequality in housework performance. As Oakley (1981) and Becker (1991) describe, gender division in household labour can also be considered from a more sociological approach. Becker (1991) affords that sociological theoretical models offer a wide and divergent variety of explanations for the unequal division of housework tasks along gender lines, but all provide relevant areas of consideration. For example, Alenezi Walden (2004) contend, â€Å"differences between husbands and wives housework time, spousal age, educational attainment, and number of children by age should be highlighted† (101). Given the difficulty in practise of considering the wide number of variables that could play into gender division of household labour, however, many studies choose to concentrate on the societal and sociological implications of one or two of what the individual researchers consider to be the most important or effectual inputs. As such, many studies have considered the impact of education levels, presence of children, age, social class, race, and value beliefs as determinants of household labour allocation. One of the most often considered variables is gender identity. As Oakley (1981) describes, men and women are instructed in what their particular society considers appropriate gender roles and actions from an early age. As such, women in Britain are typically raised to believe that housework is their responsibility, and therefore perform the bulk of household tasks. In this analysis, which will be described in greater detail later in this study in the section presenting reasons for the gender gap, researchers examine the development of gender identity, then its impact on household labour allocation, and further investigate impacts of changes in gender roles across society on household functioning. Historic Housework Gender Divisions Oakley (1974) provides a thorough and insightful study of historic gender divisions of household labour in Europe, concentrating on Britain. Prior to the nineteenth century, women were typically employed in the family business, as were the rest of family members. This business was housed within the home, and all members of the family might perform a given household task. Fathers were considerably more involved in child rearing, and tasks such as cleaning and cooking were not divided along gender lines. Women were often equal partners in business with their husbands, could be afforded guild membership on their own standing, inherited their husband’s trade privileges upon his death (versus them passing to a son), and â€Å"were not prevented from entering any occupation by reason of their sex† (31). As such, Oakley (1974) describes women as always occupying the role of productive worker, earning a market wage and enjoying ful l market employment participation. In the 1800s, Oakley (1974) describes the gradual displacement of vocation from the home to the factory. Women followed their traditional work out of the home and into the factories through the middle of the century. In fact, men, women, and children often worked side-by-side in various factory endeavours, just as they had in home-based vocational activity. However, this societal movement of employment from home to factory meant multiple family members were no longer physically present within the household to perform housework tasks or render childcare for small children. By the 1840s, societal pressure began on women to remain at home to render these services, and a simultaneous and not surprising belief became popular that women were naturally domestic and the appropriate carers for children. Male factory workers also began to ask for limits on child and female labour, ostensibly for the women and children’s own protection. By the end of the 1880s, the traditio nal role of w omen had shifted to the keeper of the home and rearer of children, whilst men had assumed sole provider role and worker outside the home. In the early 1900s through the Second World War, women were typically employed outside the home until marriage, at which time they left paid employment and assumed responsibility for housework tasks. Most women lived with their families until their marriage, and assisted their own mothers with work in that household but were not primarily responsible. After the war, women typically worked until their first child was expected, and often returned to paid work after their children left home. However, the notion of housework as a women’s responsibility was already culturally entrenched, and continued regardless of her employment status. This was supported by various legislative measures. For example, both Ireland and Britain had marriage bars, which legally excluded married women from working in public service or administration. Leonard (2004) notes that in Ireland, â€Å"up until 1973, women had to leave paid employment in the public sector upon getting mar ried† (74). This sole responsibility for household management was not a light one, either in terms of hours or tasks. Summarising a number of studies conducted in Britain, France, and the United States from the 1920s through the 1970s, Oakley (1974) reports that average hours of housework performed by women consistently ranks over sixty hours per week, with women in urban areas often averaging over seventy hours per week of labour. As of the early 1970s, Oakley (1974) reports a British study found eighty-five per cent of all women between the ages of sixteen and sixty-four were housewives, â€Å"they carried the responsibility for running the household in which they lived,† and â€Å"nine out of ten women who were not employed were housewives, so were seven out of ten of those with a job outside the home† (6). She concludes that housework is therefore clearly women’s major occupation. Important conclusions from historical data related to gender division of household tasks are that the notion of housewifery as a â€Å"natural† condition of women is a recent one, and not supported in previous centuries. Although various ethological, anthropological, and sociological â€Å"proofs† have been offered for a woman’s role as primarily wife and mother, Oakley (1981) demonstrates that these are not supported either historically or cross-culturally. She further contends that both housework allocation and â€Å"the impact of childbirth on the roles of parents in clearly a cultural construct,† and as such should be an area given consideration as needing change, rather than held as a biological absolute. Global Housework Gender Divisions Indeed, when considering gender division of housework cross-culturally, many assumptions regarding appropriate gender roles breakdown, particularly when considering cultures outside the capitalist Western model. Using data from the International Social Justice Project, Davis and Greenstein (2004) describe the division of housework tasks in married couple households across twelve nations: four Western nations (Great Britain, the United States, Germany, and The Netherlands), seven former Soviet nations (Russia, Slovenia, Estonia, Bulgaria, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary), and one Asian nation (Japan). Of note, as some data is historic, it divided East and West Germany, which the researchers took into account in analysis. Oakley (1974) quotes Lenin as writing, â€Å"No nation can be free when half the population is enslaved in the kitchen† (222). Not surprisingly, some of the former Soviet countries in Davis and Greenstein’s (2004) research evidenced the smallest gender gap in household labour. In Russia, for example, sixty-seven per cent of men and sixty per cent of women feel that housework is equally divided, with less than ten per cent of women or men allocating such work always to the wife. Interestingly, research exampled by Davis and Greenstein (2004) in post-Soviet Russia stated that fewer Russians believed they had egalitarian marriages in 1995 than in 1989, a demonstration of perception and practise change accompanying dramatic societal reforms. Such results reinforce the concept of gender divisions in household labour being culturally rather than biologically based. In a similar example, whilst Estonian households had traditionally divided household labour along gender lines prior to Communism, at the close of the Soviet era Davis and Greenstein (2004) report they had moved significantly toward shared housework, with over forty per cent of households reporting equal contributions. â€Å"Estonian women’s attitudes reflected a desire for personal efficacy rather than a complete focus on their husbands’ demands† (Davis and Greenstein 2004, 1263). Considering gender patterns over time, Davis and Greenstein (2004) reported several other research studies found â€Å"Czech women’s and men’s time spent on household work is becoming more similar, mainly because of the changing employment patterns of Czech women,† and â€Å"Czech households were more egalitarian in their division of labour than were Hungarian and Polish households† (1262). Poland was typical of half the f ormer Soviet nations and all Wester n nations in the study, with Polish women performing the majority of the housework regardless of their education or employment status, men’s housework contributions increasing with their education levels, and the most egalitarian division of housework responsibly in couples where both spouses are employed and have high levels of education. British, Dutch, and German women all were substantially more responsible for household labour than their former-Soviet counterparts, with over sixty-five per cent of households reporting household labour as primarily or always a duty of the wife, and twenty-five per cent or less reporting an equal distribution of work. Davis and Greenstein (2004) found Dutch women experienced the greatest disparity, with over seventy per cent of men and eighty per cent of women reporting housework as primarily or always the responsibility of the wife. Gender allocation of housework in the Netherlands is most affected by the presence of young children and the husband’s economic resources, with education also being a relevant variable. For example, the higher the education level of the couple together, the greater the husbands’ contribution to household work; when the wife has slightly more education than her husband, the husband performs more housework; but when she h as a significantly more education than he, there is no increase in his household contributions. Similar studies in Spain, Ireland and Germany reinforce cultural differences, even amongst European nations. In a study of dual-earner couples in Spain, Alvarez and Miles (2003) found persistent gender inequality of similar per cents to the Davis and Greenstein overview. In addition, education levels of the man were found to effect division of household labour, whilst the woman’s education and earning power had little effect. The researchers concluded, â€Å"habitual patterns of gender-differentiated activity at home are mainly the result of gender identities† (240). Alvarez and Miles (2003) find opinion polls demonstrating a clear trend in Spanish attitudes towards egalitarian gender division of labor, more so amongst younger respondents. However, similar to their findings in most developed countries Alvarez and Miles (2003) report that behaviour has changed much less than attitude and as much as two thirds of the total housework is perfo rmed by women, particularly th e more repetitive or physically demanding work. Leonard (2004) reports that in the past two centuries, Irish society â€Å"has placed a great deal of emphasis on womens role as mothers, â€Å" with the 1937 Irish Constitution specifically referencing â€Å"the special contribution to Irish society of women within the home† (74). Cooke (2004) uses the German SocioEconomic Panel to explore the division of domestic labour in Germany, finding â€Å"East German men report that they contribute a significantly greater percentage of household time than West German men† (1251). Also of note in the German study, men’s increased share of housework also increases the likelihood of divorce in childless couples, leading Cooke (2004) to conclude that within German society â€Å"childless couples with fewer gendered family roles (given the absence of mother and father roles) are more stable when they have more traditional gendered displays in the remaining domestic areas. Using data from the International Social Justice Project previously mentioned, Davis and Greenstein (2004) found support for bargaining power models in the United States, which had the greatest equality of distribution of household labour of any of the Western nations studied. US households were much more influenced by the wife’s participation in the workforce, with husbands performing at least half the housework twice as often in dual-earner families than in families where only the husband was employed outside the home. The wife’s income level had little effect on divisio

The Crucible: A Masterpiece of Dramatic Writing Essay -- Essay on The

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Crucible provides us with an example of a masterpiece of dramatic writing. In this play Arthur Miller gives us a stimulating example of the use of a variety of theatrical techniques. His most powerful scenes in "The Crucible" have common characteristics: very effective use of stage actions, long build-ups of suspense that come crashing down in thundering climaxes, intense displays of emotion and an abundance of dramatic irony. These are my three chosen scenes: p46-50: "Tituba........Devil!", p98-100: "She thinks.......Oh God" and p101-105: "You will.....Mr Hale!". Because of the importance of these scenes as key moments in the play Miller makes them dramatically superb so that the "No,sir" by Elizabeth that decides the outcome of dozens of lives and of her own and her husband’s, John Proctor is also the climax of the most effective build-up of suspense in the play. The effectivness of these scenes is also enhanced by powerful characters such as John Pr octor and Danforth who display such intensity in their emotions and actions that the audience can not help but be moved. But most of all, these scenes show Miller’s theatrical qualities so that by the end of each of these scenes we not only understand his message but also find ourself convinced by his arguments . The dramatic impact of a play is enhanced when the audience understands all the different aspects of the main characters. It helps them become more involved and at the same time gives the author the chance to display some dramatic irony. Miller uses stage actions to that end in the first chosen scene of "The Crucible". In this scene Tituba’s inner conflict and Hale’s resolution is clearly expressed through the stage actions. Tituba first denies having seen ... ... power. "The Crucible" is considered by many Miller’s masterpiece, it both displays his dramatic and theatrical qualities in such a way as to make it disturbing and socially relevant. In it one can find his views on society as a whole and on current events such as Mccarthyism which similarily to the medieval Church and justice system searched for individuals who by their ideals and ideas they felt threatened the supremacy of their system. Miller made "The Crucible" the starting point for the audience to reflect on their own society and culture. But at the same time Miller polished his deep philosophical work with superb stage directions, likeable characters and nerve-racking suspense. Works Cited Arthur Miller’s The Crucible: Fact & Fiction http://www.ogram.org/17thc/crucible.shtml   Miller, Arthur. The Crucible: A Screenplay. New York: Penguin Books, 2006.